Diss poets to each other like rappers

Dissen in German rap. A speech act theory classification

Table of Contents

1 Introduction

2. Introduction to speech act theory

3. Introduction to (German) rap culture

4. Definition of "dissolving"

5. Methodology of discourse analysis

6. Boast
6.1. Boasting about crime
6.2. Boast with your own rap
6.3. Boasting over the skin color

7. Diss
7.1. groups
7.2. X fucks X
7.3. Discussing gender and sexuality

8. Speech act theory classification
8.1. Happiness conditions
8.2. Two-stage division of the perlocutionary act
8.3. Implicit and explicit performativity
8.4. Limits and Discussion

9. Conclusion

10. List of examined artists and songs

11. Appendix: Transcriptions and templates of the discourse analysis

12. Bibliography

1 Introduction

And yes, I'm a very mean / rapper who stands out from the crowd / you are just someone / what you do doesn’t care at all (Samy Deluxe: Poetry Album)

There was a small penis named Samy de Bitch who thought he knew what he was doing and who he was fucking with / A chabo called Azad came along and bombed him. I'm sorry, but there's too much dirt coming out of your face (Azad: Samy de Bitch).

Mutual, violent use of language has established itself as a real stylistic device in German rap. Curses and insults are part of hip-hop culture with a certain form of self-expression. The fact that the linguistic expression occupies a special and very important place in rap justifies a closer examination from a pragmatic point of view. The sometimes extremely extreme linguistic brutality of the rapists1, especially in so-called “gangsta rap”, stimulates the investigation of circumstances, behavioral patterns and the origin of this subculture, because it is precisely here that the possibility of creating one's own speech act seems to arise. Especially the one that occurs frequently Diss (from the English "Disrespect") (cf. Bukop / Hüpper 2012: 160) initially seems to have the necessary prerequisites for such a classification. The present housework thus sets itself the task of different types of DissentTo investigate speaker intentions and tendencies, to work out discourse strands of these and to classify this form of speech in terms of speech act theory based on recurring features. Media performance frameworks, which can also serve to create one's own “image”, should not be discussed. The so-called Boast (English to boast, translated “to boast”) (cf. Philippe 2005: 2), should also be examined, based on the assumption that Diss and Boast Not only alternate in German rap, but support each other in order to construct an extreme self-image and, in comparison, to cast a very specific look at the (suggested) counterpart. The work will therefore begin with a rough theoretical introduction to speech act theory based on John L. Austin's and John R. Searle's ideas. The background of the German hip-hop culture should be presented before the discussion threads Boast and Diss should be examined in more detail using recurring content-related topics. In the context of the Boast covered categories such as skin color, crime and rap style, but the storylines of the Dissent related to groups, genders and sexuality. The relation between the statements and their users should then be classified in terms of speech act theory. It should be questioned whether Diss can be understood as an independent speech act and to what extent Diss from an insult.

2. Introduction to speech act theory

With his lecture series published as a manuscript under the title “How to do things with words”, John L. Austin counts as the founder of speech act theory and linguistic pragmatics. Gottlieb Frege with his ideas for logical and pragmatic semantics and Karl Bühler, who used the term “speech act” as early as 1934, could also be named as the founders of the theory as pioneers of this important theory. At Bühler, the “speech act” is an abstract, linguistic construct that describes the linguistic action of a statement. He distinguished “language action” from it as the mere “emergence of language” (Franc 2001: 34). Austin did not distinguish between these two areas, however, but used the term "speech act" (ibid .: 34) for both, thus coining the terminology and assuming that linguistic utterances can perform actions (cf. Franc 2001: 31 f.). Austin calls utterances that have an effect and do something by saying something performative utteranceswhich can succeed or fail and distinguishes them from constative utteranceswho describe the world by noting things. Thus, such can be true or false (cf. Austin 1962: 64).

However, since Austin was unable to find clear grammatical indicators for performative utterances (cf.ibid .: 109), he switched to a new theory of speech acts, in which he assumed that all statements are simply linguistic acts (cf. Franc 2001: 36). He differentiated between three types of speech acts: the locutionary, the illocutionary and the perlocutionary act - a structure that his student John R. Searle was later to develop further. As a locutionary act, Austin roughly understood the "entire act of" saying something "" (Austin 1962: 112), as an illocutionary act "performing an action" (ibid .: 117) and as a perlocutionary act "producing real ones Effects ”(ibid .: 120) on the addressee of the linguistic utterance. The illocutionary act, in which no statement is made about the world, but at the same time an action is carried out, as well as the perlocutionary act, in which a causal effect is brought about in the listener, belong to the field of pragmatics and thus form the core of the present work The aim of the illocutionary act of warning would be, at the level of the perlocutionary act, that the addressee actually feels warned (cf. ibid .: 121). Searle adopted Austin's distinction and systematically developed it further. Austin had divided the locutionary act into three sub-acts: the phonetic (uttering sounds), the phatic (uttering sounds that follow a grammar, i.e. words) and the rhetical act (words are used to make a concrete statement) ( see ibid .: 113). Searle understood the speech act as a unit of analysis, like morpheme or word (Searle 1969: 65 f.) And replaced the phonetic and phatic act with the act of expression ("utterance of words"). He recognized the rhetical act as an independent propositional act based on “reference and predication” (ibid .: 40) and thus related to extra-linguistic things (cf. Franc 2001: 37). The fact that Searle added this propositional act was due to his finding that the same content of a speech act can be reproduced via different illocutionary acts and establishes a relationship (reference) to the world, to people and to things. In this context he gave the following example:

(1.) "a. Sam habitually smokes.
b. Does Sam habitually smoke?
c. Sam, habitually smoke!
d. Sam would smoke habitually! ”(Searle 1969: 41).

Although all the sentences in (1) perform a different illocutionary act, all examples relate to a subject named Sam and in each it is set in relation to “habitually smokes” (ibid.).

Searle, on the other hand, understands illocutionary and perlocutionary acts just like Austin. The illocutionary act takes place simultaneously with the utterance and the propositional act and is therefore not a separable unit. The perlocutionary act can also take place, but this is not inevitable (cf. ibid.). Searle also undertakes a five-part classification of illocutionary speech acts, each with the help of three criteria of the essential rule, the Adjustment direction and the physical condition (cf. Searle 1976: 3 f.), can be classified. At assertive illocutionary speech acts is the essential rulethat the speaker (S) "in varying degrees" (ibid .: 10) the truth of a preposition (P.), such as in the case of an assertion or statement. The words out P. should correspond to the world, so the Adjustment direction Word-to-world (cf. ibid.). The mental state of S. is that he is truthful P. is convinced. With directives Attempted speech acts, such as a prompt or command S. an addressee (A) to get something to do. The world is to be adapted to the words, so the Adjustment direction World-by-word and the mental state is a wish. Commissive illocutionary acts mean those in which S. undertakes to do something in the future (promise), whereby the Adjustment direction thus is also world-by-word and the mental state the intention of S. demands. S. brings in one expressive illocutionary speech act expresses a psychological state (apology, congratulations, thanks, etc.), to which the mental state adjusts (see ibid .: 11). According to Searle, there is no direction of adjustment in this category (cf. ibid .: 12 f.). Declarations are usually carried out in the context of a social institution (wedding, baptism), they are not specific mental state assigned and can do both Adjustment directions carry out. It is always word-of-mouth when the declaration is successful (cf. ibid .: 13), a marriage cannot, for example, be successful if one of the partners is already married.

Since the term “speech act” can be used to categorize linguistic actions of the same type, such as questions, warnings and commands, the next chapters will investigate whether that too Diss can be raised to an independent speech act and to what extent it differs from the speech act insulting. Further theories will be discussed in places in the course of the text. In order to be able to begin with this investigation, however, the background to hip-hop culture and the origin of the Dissent to be introduced.

3. Introduction to (German) rap culture

The popular youth culture of hip hop includes several sub-areas such as music, breakdance, graffiti and language and originated in the US-American district of Southbronx in New York in the 1970s, which is still known today as black2 Ghetto is called (cf. Philippe 2005: 12). In the rapeseed sub-genre, the focus is primarily on the text, because at the time when this art form came into being, it functioned as the mouthpiece of the street, which dealt with the problems of the Afro-American population (cf. Grimm 1998: 73). Rap is therefore still shaped by the notion that it is "an authentic expression of the experiences of 'blacks' in the ghetto" (Baier 2012: 95) and also when rap was practiced in Germany in the 90s and there especially by whites, The rapper was understood as a kind of street reporter. So rap is not only celebrated by rappers, but also from a scientific point of view "as 'authentic art'" (ibid.). Between the self of the lyrics and the musician there is due to the required authenticity in order to act as a real to be understood, a close connection and a lot of the raped is taken as a personal statement. Authenticity is thus treated as “(auto) biographical authenticity” (ibid .: 98) and self-portrayal is seen as one of the most important contents in hip-hop (cf. ibid .: 96). Incidentally, this also explains the motivation for the Diss and Boasts, since these means are based on the purpose of self-positioning, in a greatly simplified manner. Next is one

"Authenticity" not to be equated with "truth", because [a] authentic [is] now what the rappers correspond to their own lives and feelings, but which does not necessarily have to have taken place in "reality" as an event. Authenticity becomes sincerity [...] So it's about the “fiction of the factual” (Baier 2012: 98 f.).

Since women were only used as sex objects in hip-hop culture at the beginning of their development, women were unable to gain a foothold in the scene from the start (cf. Philippe 2005: 16). In Germany, many rappers have a migration background. A great respect for blacks can be seen in German rap: in none of the songs examined for this work were people discriminated against because of their skin color.

Part of hip-hop culture are the so-called Battles. They are also particularly important in rap. These are public, verbal, live arguments that always take place on the two speech acts boast and diss (see ibid .: 2). Two artists face each other and alternate each other with rhyming quatrains, trying to "outdo the other with puns and ridicule" (Loh / Verlan 2000: 249). Battle thoughts and the on skills However, based competition for the most insulting line can also be found in rap songs. Thus "Battle-Lyrics [...] are a direct continuation of Freestyle as written texts" (ibid.). This type of gangsta behavior is not used without exception, there are also other sub-forms such as the so-called party rap in Germany (cf. Weller 2010: 2014). This genre includes, for example The fantastic Four, which, by the way, could not find a place in the song analysis because their songs dissatisfied are (see Loh / Verlan 2000: 151).

While with the Battles of course the specific person being addressed will be in the Battle songs also addresses fictional people. In the independent songs, too, there are personal, individual attacks that deal with appearance, intellect and private life, or those that keep recurring over the same categories and that too Boast runs through repeating patterns.

4. Definition of "dissolving"

As already mentioned, the origin of the word lies in the English "disrespect" and can be translated as "disrespect" (Deppermann / Schmidt 2001: 81). There is no German equivalent to the word diss. Since 1999 the word has also been defined in the Duden and even if it is pointed out there that it comes from the “language of rappers”, it is equated with the word “abuse” (Duden 1999 vol. 2: 832). However, this definition is not sufficient and would prevent the possibility of representing an independent speech act. An insult is "a serious insult by words", an insult, on the other hand, is a "serious insult by word or deed" (Schumann 1990: 259), which attacks someone in his honor (cf. Duden 1993 vol. 1: 468). Discrimination (Latin: discriminare: separate, separate) (Duden 1993 vol. 2: 735) can be distinguished from insults through categorical treatment of a person, because in the case of discrimination, a person is treated as a representative of a social group, while in the case of an insult, a person is treated as a representative of a social group individual characteristics of the addressee are taken into account (cf. Wagner 2001: 13).

In a discourse analytical analysis of rap texts, it quickly becomes apparent that Diss can carry out all these speech acts and, above all, discrimination regularly takes place. Competitors are downgraded in the battle due to individual characteristics, but recurring strands of discourse can also be identified, on the basis of which such a competition is carried out. Key concepts are proud self-expression and, as with insult, defamation. For the rapper Samy Deluxe, for example, it's simply about "being better than the other" (Samy Deluxe: Revenge is sweet, T.11: 33 ). The speaker examines an opponent - in order to threaten his image in the best possible way - for indicators of inauthenticity "and for indications of their" actual "motives, intentions, emotions etc." (Deppermann / Schmidt 2001: 95). In doing so, you want - which is a big difference to mere insults - to prove your punching skills, rhetorical skills and creative choice of words. It is thus the Diss about a deliberate, artistically staged interaction practice which, according to Deppermann and Schmidt, presupposes “a social equality and a certain degree of familiarity and social closeness” (ibid .: 92).In music, this equality represents the existence of a rapper and the associated migration backgrounds or “being off the street” Diss aim to give someone their “credibility or authenticity - theirs credibility - to be discussed "(ibid .: 82). This ritualized form of playful degradation has made the leap into everyday use (cf. ibid .: 81) and is mainly used by young people - unfortunately also as a misuse that makes the word misunderstood - for verbal disputes, mostly Joke communications to describe. For such situations, there is usually no serious reason for this and the conflict situation is not really a conflictual dispute, but rather is used as a procedure to define character and status. When the word was taken up in everyday use, morphological variants such as 'wegdissen' (drive away the opponent with words) or 'Asso-Diss' (a particularly vulgar disrespect) have formed (cf. Deppermann / Schmidt 2001: 82).

The so-called Boast it is also an Anglicism whose function is to enhance one's own person. The present work focuses on that Dissolve, however, the following briefly refers to the most common strands of discourse in Boast be entered, since both phenomena support each other and reinforce their respective action and effect: By "putting someone down", one takes a higher social position and vice versa an addressee can be belittled by praising oneself. These phenomena overlap in German rap and alternate with each other, thus constituting the image of the great ego of a speaker who is able to expose an addressee with his great rap art. Interestingly, what both speech acts have in common is that they only work in front of an audience. This is constitutive so that the speaker can prove his communicative skills (cf. ibid .: 93), which explains the supposed entertainment character. The speech acts thus become a kind of stylistic device and are genre specifications (cf. Bukop / Hüpper 2012: 165).

5. Methodology of discourse analysis

In rap there are so-called “disstracks” that are aimed at a specific person, just that Diss that person's purpose and do so throughout the song. However, they also appear in songs that are about specific topics Disslines that sometimes only address a fictional counterpart. The song selection for this work brings both song types together, since both have similar templates dissed and toasted becomes. There was no further differentiation between the various subgenres of rap, but most of the songs belong to gangsta rap. A total of 50 songs were viewed for analysis. Due to the large number of these songs, not all of these songs could be used for the argument, but an attempt was made to argue with a variety of artists and songs. A table was attached to this work in which the examination of all 50 songs is documented.4 It shows which artist, which forms of Dissent and des Boastens exercises and that a large number of examples could have been used for the reasoning that now follows. The table was divided into the discourse threads discussed in this work: “skin color”, “crime”, “own rap art”, “groups”, “sexuality and gender” and “X fucks X”. Sexist and homophobic pejoratives and expressives were also entered in the table. The examples discussed in more detail are also attached to this work, but due to their large number only the relevant song verses and the number of minutes were presented and not the entire songs. In the procedure, but not in the exemplary examples, I was inspired by Marie-Louise Bukop and Dagmar Hütter (2012): Each song was numbered from text excerpt (T.) 1-35. The individual lines were also numbered. The quotations that can be found in the text are always abbreviated as follows: "(artist, T. X: X)". The verses are built into the text in italics and are separated from each other by "/".

6. Boasts

The elevation of oneself through this particular form of showing off can take place in many different ways and is subject to extreme exaggerations. In “identity montages” (Philippe 2005: 48) of this type, content-related topics such as originality, frequent sexual intercourse, the appearance of women, one's own personality, the (street) “background”, one's own music, envy of other rappers and also based on criminal practices are running (see ibid .: 48 - 69). Here, excessive exaggerations are common. The characteristics that are ascribed to men are toughness, creativity, quick-wittedness, unscrupulousness and heterosexuality. The most important criterion for good rap is always the rapper's authenticity. The path that the rappers go through during their career should be that from the ghetto - even if there is no such thing in Germany - to fame: Yesterday at Gallus, today charts (Arrest warrant, T3: 1). However, it should never be forgotten where you originally came from, rappers are too quickly accused of commercial addiction and thus inauthenticity (cf. Baier 2012: 209). Most of the rap lyrics are about an "I" and a "you". The “I” in rap does not go into the void like in poetry, but with him and on the basis of the rapper's biography the authenticity is checked and thus becomes the most important yardstick for interpretation (cf. Baier 2012: 81). Since it is sometimes unclear who tells the truth and, as mentioned, authentic fiction also plays a role, the rappers also reproach each other for this: I've never been a rapper because I don't tell fairy tales (Bushido, T.4: 2) and so all rappers have negative comments on German hip-hop culture (cf. Philippe 2005: 70).

6.1 Boasts over crime

Who is not "blatant" enough, dies first (Sido, T. 5: 2) and since crime is also part of the ghetto, it also makes a good rapper and the street sound. The topics revolve around drugs, money, prostitution, women and confrontations with the police (cf. Grimm 1998: 100). Loading a gun barrel isn't one of the most commonly used sound effects anyway. Why boast and diss are so close is also due to the fact that rappers like to use comparisons and contrast themselves and their addressees with one another: Bitch, you collect stamps, I collect credit cards (Bushido feat Shindy, T. 6: 3); Your joint as thin as a Q-tip - My joint is so thick that you bleed (SXTN, T.7: 3). To toasted In general, crime mainly includes drug use and trafficking: Drive through Starkenburg, the trunk full of pure crack / kilos in the Louis bag, poison this world, Chabo / Azzlack-cocaine cartel, bitch, call me El Chapo / money à la Pablo, Kahba, you know Babo (Arrest warrant: T. 8: 2-5), as well as theft and wealth: People hate on the street, love on the street / Give me Darbi intensely, I'm a dealer on principle (King Khalil, T. 9: 1-2). Togetherness is established through a suggested "we", which should also be transferred to the fans of the rappers, who are characterized by the same characteristics: I'm a liar, every sentence is a lie / Every one of my fans is in jail and on drugs (Genetikk, T: 10: 1-2) Explicitly mentioned are luxury goods that were either illegally acquired or bought through rap career, because rap ultimately offers the possibility of social advancement (cf. Lüdtke 2007: 178).

6.2. Boast with your own rap

About half of all Boasts in hip-hop it is about bragging about one's own rap (cf. Philippe 2005: 50). Outstanding linguistic humor emphasizes in an arrogant way that one is the better rapper, not only as the other person, but also as all other rappers (Germany). The self-nomination as the best rapper should manifest itself in the presentation of one's own talent. Even with this type of Boastens are compared with rappers with the help of comparisons, so that a Boast one Diss or vice versa, replaces: Damn Semsemi. The rap genius / the opposite of you you stupid weak MC (Samy Deluxe: T. 11: 5-6). The table of the examined songs (page 40) shows that in 36 songs of the total of 50 rappers distinguish themselves through their rap. This is done in varying lengths and expressions. For example, Kollegah repeats the same rhyme three times for this purpose: German rappers? I am lyrically superior to you / I am mentally superior to you / And you see after you get intense pimp slaps: I am physically superior to you too (Kollegah: T. 12: 1-3); Warrant compares levels of rap with car brands: German rap is screwed and real embarrassment / your rap is Fiat and mine is Porsche (Arrest warrant: T. 3: 3-4); Samy Deluxe, on the other hand, uses four minutes in his song "Poesiealbum" to portray himself as the rap king of Germany and draws on great poets and thinkers: I am so Schiller, so Goethe, so bitter, so angry / Still the greatest poet who lives here / If you want more now / I will feed you German poets rhymes / Until you all break like Bertolt / That’s for me real success (Samy Deluxe: T. 1: 1-6). In this context, more general statements about bad beats or the way of rapping are made. In relation to these categories, however, is more often dissed as toasted: Then you do another qualification / in which you emphasize every syllable like a joker (Spongebozz, T. 13: 1-2).

6.3.Boasting over skin color

The main topic of discussion in rap is race, Afro-American roots earn respect (cf. Grimm 1998: 113 f.) In the songs examined, no one was discriminated against because of the color of their skin, because hip-hop stems from a black culture. Ethnophaulisms like Kanake (Bushido: T. 19: 3) are used sporadically, but also in relation to itself, so that the word may experience a kind of resignification in German rap. For example, the resignification process of the N-word in the USA emerges from hip-hop, where it now tends to mean “friend / brother”, but due to the historical context still cannot be pronounced by whites. The process describes the attempt to give a word that has hitherto been seen as discrimination a positive value, while the spelling or pronunciation is usually changed. This process can only be set in motion by those who have previously been discriminated against by it. In Germany, such a process is not yet possible with regard to the N-word (cf.Nduka-Agwu / Hornscheidt 2013: 18), even if such an approach can be observed in isolated cases in hip-hop and it seems to be allowed when close friends use the word use. The black Nura, who has the rapper duo SXTN with the white Juju, raps in a song: Freak out when anyone but Juju says "nigger" (SXTN, T. 14: 2). The hip hop attitude towards life consists of anti-racism. This is how rapper Toni L classifies rap, which, due to its racist content, contradicts hip-hop culture and is therefore rap, but cannot be hip-hop (see Loh / Hannes 2000: 252). Later in the song I am black Nura continues: Forget all rappers, I'm blacker than Tupac (SXTN, T. 14: 6) and Sammy Deluxe describes his rap as follows: It's like when Wilhelm Tell and William Shakespeare / were on crack after a couple of Becks beers / Only I'm browner and a little bit sexier here (Sammy Deluxe, T. 1: 16-18). So being black also means being “cool” and authentic. The analysis of skin color quickly finds its limits, as there are generally very few black rappers in Germany, which is why those guided by skin color also fall Boaste only very slightly in the table. The few black rappers that exist in Germany, however, all respond positively to their skin color at some point, because they feel closer to the origin of hip-hop than white rappers. Nevertheless, if they pretend to be inauthentic in the eyes of others, it is precisely because of their skin color dissed become: Did I know you would end up in the jungle camp / It's Sonny Black, you're just some Wannabe Black (Bushido, T.15: 2-3). The speech act boast is therefore always comparative, contains superlative adjectives and serves to glorify itself (cf. Lüdtke 2007: 180).


Diss with Searle one could classify it as an expressive speech act. For the discourse analysis, a further category “Use of expressives” was added at the beginning to evaluate who is using expressive expressions and when. Although the linguistic presentation of the rappers varies extremely, in each of the pieces examined without exception, the category is expressively rapped on the basis of skatlogicals, terms or those relating, for example, to sexual organs and activities as well as incest and relationship relationships, so that the category seemed superfluous for Expressiva to maintain. Rap has not already been accused of desensitizing its audience through expressive use of language. A variety and quantity of used expressives could only provide us with conclusions about the emotional state of the rappers. In fact, it was noticed that for the Diss Far more Expressiva are used than with Boast. For further analyzes this could mean Disse to be able to attach more importance to the emergence of expressivata. However, they are not necessary in order to diss, since the statement ultimately takes precedence. To the depth of some Disse To be able to understand as a whole, one would have to deal with the vitae of the rappers in detail in order to avoid alleged allusions and thus also the Disse, to be able to identify as such. The lyrics are extremely provocative and often provoke a backlash, because of course the rappers don't want to accept defamatory statements. This leads the rappers to the pressure to use more and more creative means in order to be able to win the verbal battle. This is what is called in hip-hop jargon Punchline (English Punch = punch), with which an attempt is made to hit someone - verbally - as hard as possible (see Wikipedia article "HipHop Jargon"). It provides the (humorous) punch line, so to speak, of a lengthy one Disses further have so-called playful words Spitte established, in which similarly pronounced words with different content meanings follow one another in a rhyme. In this way, the "I" and the addressee are to be contrasted in an effective way in a creative way (cf. ibid.): And if I fuck Nicole, she thinks it's fine / And if you fuck her, she thinks, you can push her a branch in (Farid Bang. T. 16: 3-4). However, the rhetorical skills should not play any further role in the following, only the content-related recurring strands of discourse should be examined.

7.1. groups

In this work, the category “groups” represents the reservoir for Disse with which no specific person and no single person is addressed as an individual and which do not represent any discrimination that is exercised on the basis of religion, gender or origin. Rather, so are those pars pro toto- Disse meant who seek to defame several people who, for example, have the same job, the same hobbies or a similar lifestyle. Thus also such Disse As already noted, the community of all other rappers in Germany can do the same dissed become. Regarding the previously discussed Boast Based on criminal activity, it therefore seems unsurprising that most Group diss apply to the police, who are the main enemy of the “blatant” ghetto life, in which hierarchies and power relations are regulated by gangster life. One of many examples is the song No cooperation with the policy (freely translated: no cooperation with the police): Spongebozz, Gunshot, I'm a gang leader, Badboss / sponge connection dealers check the crack rocks / No cooperation with the Dreckscops / I've seen nothing, heard nothing, said nothing (Spongebozz. T. 17: 1-4). To the victim of such Disse also become so-called "hipsters". The derisive term describes people who like to move away from the mainstream in alternative circles and thus adapt to a trend.In hip-hop circles they are therefore viewed as inauthentic followers. Especially the male representatives of the trend are at the center of some Disse and are described here as "unmanly": You go to Berghain, I can't go to Cookies / Politically incorrect, it must be because of the muscles / Masculine, we don't wear skinny jeans / I only have Givenchy and Burberry (Fler. T. 18: 3-6). Such a macho rap culture, in which hyperbolic attributions of physical strength and hardness are access criteria to rap, takes place mainly in certain sub-genres such as gangsta rap.


1 Even if this should cause an allegedly poorer legibility, I use the internal I throughout this work - unless it is about quotations or explicitly “male” perceived actors - to pay attention to the variable use of the generic masculine embedded in the habitus close. The use of this would rather be used for comprehension problems, especially in chapter 7.1.3. " Diss about gender ”.

2 The word "black" is written with a capital "S" because the word has gone through a process of resginification and has thus experienced a political change in language from a discriminatory form of appellation to a positive meaning (cf. Nduka-Agwu / Hornscheidt 2013: 32) .

3 For the citation of the rap lines see p. 9.

4 See page 40.

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